Persepolis by Marjane Satrapi - 970 Words

Unbeknownst to some people, a graphic novel can be a very powerful vehicle for communicating a message of great seriousness and importance. In France in 2003, the Iranian-born writer and illustrator, Marjane Satrapi, published her internationally acclaimed autobiographical comic, â€Å"Persepolis.† The novel chronicles her childhood in Tehran from ages six to fourteen, years that were overshadowed by the displacement of the Shah’s regime, the Islamic Revolution, and war with Iraq. The French contemporary graphic novel explores, from Satrapi’s standpoint, the ways in which Iranian politics of that time disrupted everyday-life and instigated a time of tribulation and suppression for the people of Iran. By using a minimal amount of text in a†¦show more content†¦For example, during the Islamic revolution, the political landscape was largely defined by suppression, violence, and conflict between fundamentalists and protesters. The authority used religion to justify the edicts and restrictions they established to expunge the moral and cultural â€Å"decadence† from society, which in turn suppressed the people and infringed upon their individual rights (4). In response, the people used violence to either support or protest the revolution, depending on the person. From the middle of the book to the conclusion, Satrapi focused more on the conditions and circumstances that the Iran-Iraq war brought about and how they affected Iran’s political landscape. The bombings of the war resulted in suffering and death, while it also created anxiety desperation, and fear, a fear that you or a loved one could die at any moment. People responded by stocking up on food and water, even fighting with one another over food. In one illustration in the book, Marjane and her mother go to the grocery store to buy more rice, but when they arrive they see that the store has barely any food left, and the one bag of rice remaining is being fought over by two other women (87). Another effect the war had on people was abandonment of faith. This is exemplified when the maid fretted about the message the school sent her son, about sacrificing oneself for the cause and the reward one willShow MoreRelatedPersepolis : Marjane Satrapi s Persepolis1756 Words   |  8 P agesPersepolis is a graphic novel by Marjane Satrapi, this graphic novel was based on the eyes of a Ten year old that experiences all types of emotions before and after the Islamic revolution, the oppression from the leaders. This novel gives us a brief on the history of Iran and their leaders, to the Embassy being taken over, via how they weren’t allowed to party. They also experience prohibition just like the United States in the 1920-1933 and like many countries they didn’t have any freedom. In theRead MorePersepolis, By Marjane Satrapi1456 Words   |  6 PagesPersepolis, is a biographical visual novel written by an Iranian woman who decided to tell her story of growing up during a war that was tearing the social structures of her country apart. The author Marjane Satrapi, gives the reader interesting commentary on how the government of Iran has brainwashed her peers, starting as early as elementary school, into becoming a sexist, manipulable, and religiously misg uided generation. As told by Satrapi, for the first few years of her childhood, the citizensRead MoreMarjane Satrapi s Persepolis 1646 Words   |  7 Pages Marjane Satrapi’s graphic novel Persepolis is an expressive memoir of her growing up in Iran during the Islamic Revolution, the fall of the Shah’s regime and the Iran-Iraq War. Unlike conventional memoirs, she uses the black-and-white comic book form to find her identity through politics and her personal experiences in Iran and it has become effective and relevant in today’s society because she is a normal person that has had to live through extreme circumstances. Marjane has contributed to a wholeRead MoreMarjane Satrapi s Persepolis 1314 Words   |  6 PagesPersepolis is an autobiography of Marjane Satrapi’s childhood in her native Iran. She writes about being a child in Iran through the Iranian revolution and the Iran-Iraq war. As Satrapi recounts stories of her youth, one can observe that th e Iran-Iraq war and the Iranian revolution are the central events driving the entire story. When the revolution and war happens, the dynamics of the book change completely. War creates a sense of unity and nationalism. Marjane shows a large contrast between herRead MoreAnalysis Of Persepolis By Marjane Satrapi1336 Words   |  6 Pagesthe graphic novel of Persepolis. Not only were Muslim women constantly judged by what they wore but they were also told how to act, what to think and how to raise their families. First of all by telling a woman what to wear is limiting their few rights they owned. It seems as if it destroys the individuality of a women. However the Muslim regime thinks differently and believes, it should be mandatory for women to wear the veil in order to follow their religion. Marjane Satrapi as the narrator demonstratesRead More Persepolis by Marjane Satrapi Essay3583 Words   |  15 PagesGrowing Up Satrapi It is hard to tell the story of a â€Å"typical† youth and it is hard to write a story that relates to experiences in everyone’s lives, but this is exactly what Marjane Satrapi accomplished in her memoir. Persepolis is the story of a child’s growth from preteen to adult. The specific challenges that Satrapi faces are unique to her situation, but we can ask whether they accurately portray the psychological development that children go through. Do her reactions to situations resembleRead MoreMarjane Satrapi s Persepolis 1501 Words   |  7 Pages The Iranian author of Persepolis, Marjane Satrapi, narrates a Bildungsroman showing her growth and development in Iran, as well as a memoir, showing the historical events in Iran. She discusses historical events like the Islamic revolution in 1979, which made it compulsory for the Iranian females to wear veils. Satrapi’s life story is mainly set in Iran, where she shows readers the strict, controlling and oppressive government the Iranians live under as well as the importance of clothing and bodyRead MoreThe Complete Persepolis By Marjane Satrapi Essay2019 Words   |  9 Pagesaffected the views of Iranians by other nations. The graphic novel, The Complete Persepolis, written by Marjane Satrapi (Satrapi, 2003), conveys many of these events and changes through the eyes of a child growing up in the 1980s in Iran. Satrapi’s main p urpose for this book is to describe how the Iranian government was corrupt, causing foreign nations to have a tainted view of all Iranian citizens. The Complete Persepolis does so by presenting major events and changes in a manner that is directed towardsRead MoreMarjane Satrapi s Persepolis 1728 Words   |  7 PagesMarjane Satrapi deliberately uses an interesting layout usually used in successful comic books that convey deep messages. The layout of the graphics in Persepolis include elements such as panels, gutters, and graphic weight. The panels, or distinct segments of a comic containing a combination of images and texts, provide transitions that are instantaneous and direct. For example, on page seven, Satrapi uses a panel to show an innocent conversation with her grandmother about the rules she will assignRead MoreThe Complete Persepolis By Marjane Satrapi2268 Words   |  10 Pages Review of Literature While I will pull from other sources, the main focus of this paper will be The Complete Persepolis by Marjane Satrapi. Throughout this graphic novel, Satrapi tells her life story and what it was like growing up in Iran. In the opening illustrations, she describes her childhood and her transition from a secular school to one that was religious and separated by gender. At this time it had become law for a woman to wear the veil, or head scarf when in public. Iran transitioned

Twin Study Free Essays

1. Methods and results In this study, Thomas Bouchard and David Lykken, along with their associates at the University of Minnesota, were attempting to prove if nature is the determining factor in a person’s personality or if it really is the nurturing environment. They wanted to see if twins who were separated at birth and raised in different environments would still have similar personalities, which support the theory that a person’s genes has more impact on a person’s character than the environment. We will write a custom essay sample on Twin Study or any similar topic only for you Order Now In order to study their hypothesis, Bouchard and Lykken located identical twins that were separated by birth due to adoption and spent a week conducting various tests; four personality trait scales, three aptitude and occupational interest inventories as well as two intelligence tests. Through these examples and other tests, Bouchard and Lykken complied copious amounts of data on the twins. The results of the study favored the nature theory in that an overwhelming percentage of the twins had similar results and personalities despite having never grown up together. . Analysis It does appear that this study’s results proved whether nature or nurture is important in the development of a person’s personality. At least this seems to have been proven in the instance of identical twins. However, there was no mention of research done involving twins raised in the same household to compare to this study’s results. I do believe that the experiment was done properly in coor dination with the scientific method but that various psychologists should have replicated the experiment numerous times over time. . Criticisms As with all published findings, there were those who argued against the claims made by Bouchard and Lykken. Some members of the psychological community believed that what was published was incomplete and therefore cannot be regarded as true unless all the results are made available. In addition, some critics claim that Bouchard and Lykken are guilty of the â€Å"equal environment assumption† which is that identical and fraternal twins are treated equally and raised in identical environments. This assumption is untrue as parents treat fraternal twins, two separately fertilized eggs versus one that split, as complete different individuals like any other siblings born at separate times. Other psychologists agreed with Bouchard and Lykken and even completed their own studies about genetic influence on people’s personalities as well as choices, and many of these studies had similar results, thus further supporting Bouchard and Lykken. 4. Conclusion The overall meaning of this study is that the debate of nature versus nurture continues in the field of psychology and it is more a matter of interpretation of data and personal belief rather than something set in stone. Psychologists continue to follow the study’s example by investigating the impact of genetics on a person’s choices and actions such as whom they fall in love with and other complexities of human behavior. This study changed psychology in that there was a new element, genes, for psychologists to analyze for explanations about the human psyche. How to cite Twin Study, Essay examples

Holy Year of Jubilee Essay Example For Students

Holy Year of Jubilee Essay Holy Year of JubileeThe ultimate derivation of the word jubilee is disputed, but it is most probable that the Hebrew word jobel, to which it is traced, meant a rams horn, and that from this instrument, used in proclaiming the celebration, a certain idea of rejoicing was derived. Further, passing through the Greek iobelaios, or iobelos, the word became confused with the Latin jubilo, which means to shout, and has given us the forms jubilatio and jubilaeum, now adopted in most European languages. For the Israelites, the year of Jubilee was in any case preeminently a time of joy, the year of remission or universal pardon. Thou shalt sanctify the fiftieth year, we read in Leviticus 25:10, and shalt proclaim remission to all the inhabitants of thy land: for it is the year of jubilee. Every seventh year, like every seventh day, was always accounted holy and set aside for rest, but the year which followed seven complete cycles was to be kept as a sabbatical year of special solemnity. The Ta lmudists and others afterwards disputed whether the Jubilee Year was the forty-ninth or the fiftieth year, the difficulty being that in the latter case two sabbatical years must have been observed in succession. Further, there are historical data which seem to show that in the age of the Machabees the Jubilee of the fiftieth year could not have been kept, for 164-163 B.C. and 38-37 B.C. were both certainly sabbatical years, which they could not have been if two sabbatical years had been intercalated in the interval. However, the text of Leviticus (25:8-55) leaves no room for ambiguity that the fiftieth year was intended, and the institution evidently bore a close analogy with the feast of Pentecost, which was the closing day after seven weeks of harvest. In any case it is certain that the Jubilee period, as it was generally understood and adopted afterwards in the Christian Church, meant fifty and not forty-nine years; but at the same time the number fifty was not originally arrived at because it represented half a century, but because it was the number that followed seven cycles of seven. It was, then, part of the legislation of the Old Law, whether practically adhered to or not, that each fiftieth year was to be celebrated as a jubilee year, and that at this season every household should recover its absent members, the land return to its former owners, the Hebrew slaves be set free, and debts be remitted. The same conception, spiritualized, forms the fundamental idea of the Christian Jubilee, though it is difficult to judge how far any sort of continuity can have existed between the two. It is commonly stated that Pope Boniface VIII instituted the first Christian Jubilee in the year 1300, and it is certain that this is the first celebration of which we have any precise record, but it is also certain that the idea of solemnizing a fiftieth anniversary was familiar to medieval writers, no doubt through their knowledge of the Bible, long before that date. The j ubilee of a monks religious profession was often kept, and probably some vague memory survived of those Roman ludi saeculares which are commemorated in the Carmen Saeculare of Horace, even though this last was commonly associated with a period of a hundred years rather than any lesser interval. But, what is most noteworthy, the number fifty was specially associated in the early thirteenth century with the idea of remission. The translation of St. Thomas of Canterbury took place in the year 1220, fifty years after his martyrdom. The sermon on that occasion was preached by Stephen Cardinal Lantron, who told his hearers that this accident was meant by Providence to recall the mystical virtue of the number fifty, which, as every reader of the sacred page is aware, is the number of remission (P.L., CXC, 421). We might be tempted to regard this discourse as a fabrication of later date, were it not for the fact that a Latin hymn directed against the Albigenses, and certainly belonging to t he early thirteenth century, speaks in exactly similar terms. The first stanza runs thus: Levi patet expositum. Anni favor jubilaei Poenarum laxat debitum, Post peccatorum vomitum Et cessandi propositum. Currant passim omnes rei. Pro mercede regnum Dei In the light of this explicit mention of a jubilee with great remissions of the penalties of sin to be obtained by full confession and purpose of amendment, it seems difficult to reject the statement of Cardinal Stefaneschi, the contemporary and counsellor of Boniface VIII, and author of a treatise on the first Jubilee, that the proclamation of the Jubilee owed its origin to the statements of certain aged pilgrims who persuaded Boniface that great indulgence had been granted to all pilgrims in Rome about a hundred years before. It is also noteworthy that in the Chronicle of Alberic of Three Fountains, under the year 1208 (not, be it noted 1200), we find this brief entry: It is said that this year was celebrated as the fiftieth year, o r the year of jubilee and remission, in the Roman Court. It is beyond all dispute that on 22 Feb., 1300, Boniface published the Bull Antiquorum fida relatio, in which, appealing vaguely the precedent of past ages, he declares that he grants afresh and renews certain great remissions and indulgences for sins which are to be obtained by visiting the city of Rome and the venerable basilica of the Prince of the Apostles. Coming to more precise detail, he specifies that he concedes not only full and copious, but the most full, pardon of all their sins, to those who fulfill certain conditions. These are, first, that being truly penitent they confess their sins, and secondly, that they visit the basilicas of St. Peter and St. Paul in Rome, at least once a day for a specified timein the case of the inhabitants for thirty days, in the case of strangers for fifteen. No explicit mention is made of Communion, nor does the word jubilee occur in the Bullindeed the pope speaks rather of a celebrat ion which is to occur every hundred yearsbut writers both Roman and foreign described this year as annus jubileus, and the name jubilee (though others, such as the holy year or the golden year have been used as well) has been applied to such celebrations ever since. Dante, who is himself supposed by some to have visited Rome during this year to gain the Jubilee, refers to it under the name Giubbileo in the Inferno (xviii, 29) and indirectly bears witness to the enormous concourse of pilgrims by comparing the sinners passing along one of the bridges of Malebolge in opposite directions, to the throngs crossing the bridge of the Castle Sant Angelo on their way to and from St. Peters. Similarly, the chronicler Villani was so impressed on this occasion by the sight of the monuments of Rome and the people who flocked thither that he then and there formed the resolution of his great chronicle, in the course of which he gives a remarkable account of what he witnessed. He describes the indul gence as a full and entire remission of all sins di culpa e di pena, and he dwells upon the great contentment and good order of the people, despite the fact that during the greater part of that year there were two hundred thousand pilgrims on an average present in Rome over and above the ordinary population. With regard to the phrase just noticed, a culpa et a poena, which was often popularly used of the Jubilee and other similar indulgences, it should be observed that it means no more than what is now understood by a plenary indulgence. It implied, however, that any approved Roman confessor had faculties to absolve from reserved cases, and that the liberty thus virtually accorded of selecting a confessor was regarded as a privilege. The phrase was an unscientific one, and was not commonly used by theologians. It certainly did not mean, as some have pretended, that the indulgence of itself released from guilt as well as penalty. The guilt was remitted only in virtue of sacramental c onfession and the sorrow of the penitent. The sovereign pontiff never claimed any power of absolving in grievous matters apart from these. All theologians, remarks Maldonatus with truth, unanimously without a single exception, reply that an indulgence is not a remission of guilt but of the penalty. As we have seen, Boniface VIII had intended that the Jubilee should be celebrated only once in a hundred years, but some time before the middle of the fourteenth century, great instances, in which St. Bridget of Sweden and the poet Petrarch amongst others had some share, were made to Pope Clement VI, then residing at Avignon, to anticipate this term, particularly on the ground that the average span of human life was so short as otherwise to render it impossible for many to hope to see any Jubilee in their own generation. Clement VI assented, and in 1350 accordingly, though the pope did not return to Rome himself. Gaetani Cardinal Ceccano was dispatched thither to represent His Holiness at the Jubilee. On this occasion daily visits to the church of St. John Lateran were enjoined, besides those to the basilicas of St. Peter and St. Paul without the walls, while at the next Jubilee, St. Mary Major was added to the list. The visit to these four churches has remained unchanged ever since as one of the primary conditions for gaining the Roman Jubilee. The celebration next following was held in 1390, and in virtue of an ordinance of Urban VI, it was proposed to hold a Jubilee every thirty-three years as representing the period of the sojourn of Christ upon earth and also the average span of human life. Another Jubilee was accordingly proclaimed by Martin V in 1423, but Nicholas V, in 1450, reverted to the quinquagesimal period, while Paul II decreed that the Jubilee should be celebrated every twenty-five years, and this has been the normal rule ever since. The Jubilees of 1450 and 1475 were attended by vast crowds of pilgrims, and that of 1450 was unfortunately made famous by a terrible accident in which nearly two hundred persons were trampled to death in a panic which occurred on the bridge of Sant Angelo. But even this disaster had its good effects in the pains taken afterwards to widen the thoroughfares and to provide for the entertainment and comfort of the pilgrims by numerous charitable organizations, of which the Archconfraternity of the Holy Trinity, founded by St. Philip Neri, was the most famous. On the other hand, it is impossible to doubt the evidence of innumerable witnesses as to the great moral renovation produced by these celebrations. The testimony comes in many cases from the most unexceptionable sources, and it extends from the days of Boniface VIII to the striking account given by Cardinal Wiseman (Last Four Popes, pp. 270, 271) of the only Jubilee held in the nineteenth century, that of 1825. The omission of the Jubilees of 1800, 1850, and 1875 was due to political disturbances, but with these exceptions the celebration has been uniformly maintained every twenty-five years from 1450 until the present time. The Jubilee of 1900, though shorn of much of its splendour by the confinement of the Holy Father within the limits of the Vatican, was, nevertheless carried out by Pope Leo XIII with all the solemnity that was possible. CEREMONIAL OF THE JUBILEEThe most distinctive feature in the ceremonial of the Jubilee is the unwalling and the final walling up of the holy door in each of the four great basilicas which the pilgrims are required to visit. It was formerly supposed that this rite was instituted by Alexander VI in the Jubilee of 1500, but this is certainly a mistake. Not to speak of a supposed vision of Clement VI as early as 1350, who is said to have been supernaturally admonished to open the door, we have several references to the holy door or the golden gate in connection with the Jubilee long before the year 1475. The earliest account seems to be that of the Spanish pilgrim, Pero Tafur, c. 1437. He con nects the Jubilee indulgence with the right of sanctuary, which, he maintains, existed in pagan times for all who crossed the threshold of the puerta tarpea upon the site of the Lateran. He goes on to say that, at the request of Constantine, Pope Sylvester published an Bull proclaiming the same immunity from punishment for Christian sinners who took sanctuary there. The privilege, however, was grossly abused and the popes consequently ordered the door to be walled up at all seasons save certain times of special grace. Formerly the door was unwalled only once in a hundred years, this was afterwards reduced to fifty, and now it is said to be opened at the will of the pope. However legendary all this may be, it is hardly possible that the story could have been quite recently fabricated at the time Tafur recorded it. Moreover, a number of witnesses allude to the unwalling of the holy door in connection with the Jubilee of 145O. One of these, the Florentine merchant Giovanni Rucellai, sp eaks of the five doors of the Lateran basilica, one of which is always walled up except during the Jubilee year, when it is broken down at when the Jubilee commences. The devotion which the populace has for the bricks and Christmas mortar of which it is composed is such that at the unwalling, the fragments are immediately carried off by the crowd, and the foreigners (gli oltremontani) take them home as so many sacred relics. . . . Out of devotion every one who gains the indulgence passes through that door, which is walled up again as soon as the Jubilee is ended. (Archivio di Storia Patria, IV, 569-57O) All this describes a rite which has lasted unchanged to the present day, and which has nearly always supplied the principal subject depicted upon the long series of Jubilee medals issued by the various popes who have opened and closed the holy door at the beginning and end of each Jubilee year. Each of the four basilicas has its holy door. That of St. Peters is opened on the Christma s Eve preceding the anno santo by the pontiff in person, and it is closed by him on the Christmas Eve following. The pope knocks upon the door three times with a silver hammer, singing the versicle Open unto me the gates of justice. The masonry, which has been loosened beforehand, is made to fall in at the third blow, and, after the threshhold has been swept and washed by the Jubilee penitentiaries, the pope enters first. Each of the holy doors at the other basilicas is similarly opened by a cardinal specially deputed for the purpose. The symbolism of this ceremony is probably closely connected with the idea of the exclusion of Adam and Eve from Paradise, and the expulsion and reconciliation of penitents according to the ritual provided in the Pontifical. But it may also have been influenced by the old idea of seeking sanctuary, as Tafur and Rucellai suggest. The sanctuary knocker of Durham Cathedral still remains to remind us of the important part which this institution played in t he life of our forefathers. THE JUBILEE INDULGENCEThis is a plenary indulgence which, as stated by Boniface VIII in Consistory, it is the intention of the Holy See to grant in the most ample manner possible. Of course, when first conceded, such an indulgence, and also the privilege annexed of choosing a confessor who had power to absolve from reserved cases, was a much rarer spiritual boon than it has since become. So preeminent was the favor then regarded that the custom arose of suspending all other indulgences during the Jubilee year, a practice which, with certain modifications, still obtains at the present day. The precise conditions for gaining each Jubilee are determined by the Roman pontiff, and they are usually announced in a special Bull, distinct from that which it is customary to issue on the preceding feast of the Ascension giving notice of the forthcoming celebration. The main conditions, however, which do not usually vary, are three: confession, Communion and visits t o the four basilicas during a certain specified period. The statement made by some, that the Jubilee indulgence, being a culpa et a paena, did not of old presuppose either confession or repentance, is absolutely without foundation, and is contradicted by every official document preserved to us. Besides the ordinary Jubilee indulgence, to be gained only by pilgrims who pay a visit to Rome, or through special concession by certain cloistered religious confined within their monasPaulus in Zeitschrift f. kath. Theologie, 1899, pp. 49 sqq., 423 sqq., 743 sqq., and Dublin Review, Jan., 1900, pp. 1 sqq.) De Anno Jubileo in La Bigne, Bibliotheca Patrum, VI, 536Pertz, Mon. Germ. Hist.: Script. XXIII, 889PART TWOSUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION ABOUT JUBILLE YEARJubilee PledgeThe jubilee of our Lords birth calls us to bring glad tidings to the poor. . . . to proclaim liberty to captives and recovery of sight to the blind, to let the oppressed go free (Lk 4:18). Of Mice And Men - Hopes And Dreams EssayADVOCATE Advocacy can be done for people and with them. Join a diocesan legislative network, pro-life group, or another peace and advocacy group. Join a community organizing effort. Register and vote in light of a conscience formed by Catholic social teaching. Write or call your elected representatives on issues of life, justice, and peace. Contact your parish or diocesan social ministry leaders for information. ENCOURAGE The great jubilee and the new millennium are a time to strengthen our participation in building Gods kingdom. We can do this not only by renewing our commitment to charity, justice, and peace but by encouraging others to do so. Make a copy of this pledge and sign it as a family or share it with a friend. As you act on this pledge, ask a friend or family member to join you, or share with them information on what you are learning or doing. What is the Jubilee Pledge?The Jubilee Pledge for Charity, Justice, and Peace is offer ed by the Subcommittee on the Third Millennium and other committees of the National Conference of Catholic Bishops/United States Catholic Conference as an opportunity for Catholics to recommit themselves to serving the poor and working for justice and peace in the new millennium. As Pope John Paul II has said, Indeed it must be said that a commitment to justice and peace . . . is a necessary condition for the preparation and celebration of the Jubilee (Tertio Millennio Adveniente, no. 51). The Jubilee Pledge flows from the themes of Catholic social teaching:#61623; Life and Dignity of the Human Person#61623; Call to Family, Community, and Participation#61623; Rights and Responsibilities#61623; Option for the Poor and Vulnerable#61623; Dignity of Work and the Rights of Workers#61623; Solidarity#61623; Care for Gods CreationCatholics are encouraged to take the pledge as a sign of their commitment to answering Jesus call to love your neighbor as yourself (Mk 12:31). But more than taking the pledge, Catholic believers are called to find ways to act on their pledge, to strengthen their involvement in serving those in need and working for justice and peace here and abroad. For more information on Catholic social teaching and on the pledgeCategory: Miscellaneous